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Women in Science
Awhile back I wrote about the Ginther and Kahn paper that compared men's and women's rates of hiring to tenure-track positions and promotion to tenure. The paper found that the differences between men and women could be entirely explained by marriage and children: having young children penalizes women but not men. The paper did not explore salary differences, but noted several other studies that found unexplained differences in men's and women's salaries (of on the order of 12%) that persisted even after controlling for similar factors as well as for productivity.
One hypothesized explanation for these differences comes from the work of Linda Babcock:
In one study, eight times as many men as women graduating with master's degrees from Carnegie Mellon negotiated their salaries. The men who negotiated were able to increase their starting salaries by an average of 7.4 percent, or about $4,000. In the same study, men's starting salaries were about $4,000 higher than the women's on average, suggesting that the gender gap between men and women might have been closed if more of the women had negotiated their starting salaries.
This suggests that a remedy for the salary gap might be to encourage women to negotiate for their salaries. But some new work by Babcock and collaborators suggests that things might not be so simple.
Their study, which was coauthored by Carnegie Mellon researcher Lei Lai, found that men and women get very different responses when they initiate negotiations. Although it may well be true that women often hurt themselves by not trying to negotiate, this study found that women's reluctance was based on an entirely reasonable and accurate view of how they were likely to be treated if they did. Both men and women were more likely to subtly penalize women who asked for more -- the perception was that women who asked for more were "less nice".
Interesting (but frustrating) work.
I am scheduled to give a seminar in 2 weeks on a topic that I have less familiarity with than I'd like. The people from whom I am supposed to get a crucial data set for the talk aren't returning my calls. My backup plan has been scooped by a seminar in the same series on Monday. So I'm a little panicked. Not too panicked, mind you - I have learned from long experience that I will eventually figure something out, and fear has proven quite an effective stimulus for creative thinking in the past for me. But it's enough to cause all the physiological effects of stress to kick in.
Back when I was an undergraduate, I had some vague notion that work as a researcher would be motivated primarily by a quest for a state of flow. That's definitely there, but it is frequently punctuated by moments of terror. Research careers can be quite stressful, even in the best of times. Experiments can go awry, conference deadlines can sneak up, and there is always last minute lecture preparation.
I recently finished an excellent book by Robert Sapolsky on the physiology of stress, Why Zebras Don't Get Ulcers. I highly recommend it.
Why Don't Zebras Get Ulcers?
First, it's a great piece of science writing. Sapolsky manages to keep things lively and engaging without dumbing things down. Part of what keeps things moving along is his use of an informal tone, something that unfortunately is drummed out of a lot of people by writing endless journal articles. The book is a lot closer to sitting in an undergraduate seminar with a friendly but brilliant prof than reading a bunch of journal articles. He's also generous with credits - I discovered that a friend of mine did an undergraduate internship with Sapolsky because he spent a half page describing the work she had done. He mixes established knowledge with informed speculation, being careful to distinguish between the two.
Second, the subject matter hits pretty close to home. Having spent the past 20 years or so in fairly high-stress environments, I've tended to brush aside suggestions that I try to adjust (sorry, Mom!). Vague notions that stress is "bad" somehow just don't do it for me. Sapolksy, in contrast, spells out in grim detail exactly what chronic stress does, and believe me, I'm listening now.
Two effects of stress are particularly relevant to researchers:
Chronic stress wreaks havoc with the hippocampus, which plays a key role in memory and learning. So frantic cramming can, in the long term, reduce your ability to retain information.
Chronic stress is linked to depression, which in turn can reduce your ability to produce by sapping your motivation.
There's an interesting policy implication: it suggests that universities might do well to invest in stress-reduction / mental health services for researchers. Given that a sense that one is not in control of one's work is a major risk factor for depression (google "learned helplessness") and other stress-related morbidity, graduate students and postdocs could be some of the biggest beneficiaries.
A recent survey at Berkeley suggests stress-related mental health issues are startlingly common among graduate students:
"In the last 12 months, 45.3% of respondents had experienced an emotional or stress-related problem that significantly affected their well being and/or academic performance."
"9.9 % of respondents seriously considered suicide in the past 12 months."
Fortunately, remedies are fairly straightforward and inexpensive. Exercise, for example, has big benefits, so simple things like intramural sports for grad students and gym access for postdocs can help a lot. I learned at a recent conference that Vanderbilt has hired a full-time counselor for its postdocs, and apparently it's been a very successful experiment.
Another interesting thing I discovered in Sapolsky's book: there is interesting evidence that men and women's responses to stress are fairly different. The well-known "fight or flight" response is apparently a better description of the male response to stress than the female. The female response is characterized as "tend and befriend":
In particular, they propose that females respond to stressful situations by protecting themselves and their young through nurturing behaviors--the "tend" part of the model--and forming alliances with a larger social group, particularly among women--the "befriend" part of the model. Males, in contrast, show less of a tendency toward tending and befriending, sticking more to the fight-or-flight response, they suggest.
This work dovetails nicely with some research by Anne Preston on why people leave science. Preston found that female graduate students who did not have a mentor were much more likely to drop out of graduate school than those with a mentor. Intriguingly, there was no such effect for males. Tend-and-befriend provides a potential explanation: a mentor may play a more important role in women's mechanisms for coping with the stress of graduate study than in those of men.
This is potentially good news, if true: the Sigma Xi Postdoc Survey found that women who worked for female PIs were substantially more likely to consider their PI to be a mentor than women working with male PIs. As the ranks of women increase in the professoriate, we may well see a virtuous cycle: as female students and postdocs have greater opportunities to find a female mentor, retention rates may increase, which in turn could lead to further increases in women in the faculty.
Stephen J. Ceci and Wendy M. Williams at Cornell have put together a new book on the women in science issue. Inside Higher Ed has an interesting interview with the authors.
One interesting (but sad) quote:
For us, the worrisome aspect of the debate was not so much its substance as its tone. Defenders of Summers’s remarks were vilified and dismissed. This does not serve the purpose of science — it led to muzzling of the scholarly debate, with one side effectively silenced by the other. When we first sent out invitations to contribute essays to our book, we were saddened by the stories of some scholars who felt that they could not contribute because their views were scorned, and had resulted in personal attacks against them on their campuses. If you read between the lines in several of the essays, you will detect this theme even among those who did contribute essays.
I was at Summers' talk and had been a fellow at NBER at about the same the time, so I knew a lot of the people involved in organizing the conference and got a bit of an insider's perspective. Regardless of your opinion of Summers, the way things have unfolded afterwards has been pretty ugly. The issue of women in science is an important one, and I'm glad to see some serious attempts to look into it.
It sounds from the interview like family-related considerations are a big part of the story:
The “barriers” they face are those associated with being asked to perform maximally at jobs at a time in their lives when other needs compete for their energy and time, such as family care.
There also appear to be some interesting but inconclusive discussions of the role of biology.
I've been corresponding with Steve Ceci recently -- maybe I can get a review copy...
There is a fascinating article on Slate about the interaction between perceptions of people's capabilities and their actual performances. A few snippets:
Correll has found that, in the presence of a stereotype that men are better, women tend to underrate their own performance, while men overrate their own, regardless of demonstrated ability.
and
Robert Rosenthal, a sociologist at UCLA, randomly assigned children to different classes, and then told half the classrooms' teachers they had gifted classes and the other half that their students were average. At the end of the year, the "gifted" students scored higher on IQ tests. In other words, if others perceive you as talented, you become more talented.
The article argues that unconscious biases against women shape perceptions of them, which in turn affect their performance and ambition.
One interesting implication: while it's important not to underestimate the effects of barriers faced by women in the sciences (because otherwise problems get ignored), it also appears to be important not to overestimate them either. If one creates the perception that barriers and bias make it overly difficult for women to succeed, and one runs the risk of making a self-fulfilling prophecy.
Encouragingly, the article suggests a few remedies. My favorite: when people are told that negative stereotypes can lead to underperformance, the effect goes away. So now you know!
A few months back I tracked down some statistics on gender ratios in science and engineering departments . I knew things were skewed, but even so, I found the data surprising: men outnumber women in tenured and tenure-track S&E positions by more than 3 to 1. There has been a good deal of recent effort in figuring out why, and we'll be writing more about the subject over the next few months.
Take a look at the stats disaggregated by academic rank:
| Rank | Male | Female |
| All ranks | 77% | 23% |
| Full professor | 86% | 14% |
| Associate professor | 74% | 26% |
| Assistant professor | 64% | 36% |
Is the skew in the top ranks simply the result of gender skew in the PhD pool decades ago? Or are women less likely to be hired into tenure track positions and promoted to tenure as a result of discrimination?
A new paper, "Does Science Promote Women? Evidence from Academia 1973-2001" by Donna Ginther and Shulamit Kahn provides some interesting answers.
Ginther and Kahn use data from the NSF's Survey of Doctorate Recipients (the SDR) to estimate the chances of obtaining a tenure track position and of subsequent promotions as a function of sex and other explanatory variables. The SDR is a huge, longitudinal survey that covers about 10% of all US PhD holders, and it provides a great resource for addressing these kinds of questions.
Their findings, in a nutshell:
- Overall, women are less likely to obtain tenure track positions in the sciences
- However, the gap is entirely explained (in a statistical sense) by marriage and children.
- Furthermore, there is little sex-related difference in the likelihood promotion to tenure or full professor.
Some key findings:
For women, having a child under age 5 lowers the probability of a tenure track appointment by 8%. Children in grade school have no effect.
In contrast, for men, children under age 5 have no effect, while each child in grade school increases the probability of a tenure-track job by 3%.
These results are consistent with Mason and Goulden's work. A few possible (non-mutually-exclusive) interpretations:
The probability of a tenure-track position increases (up to a point) with time past PhD. Time off for maternity leave shifts the clock back for women. Perhaps the gap would be smaller if one compared the probability of tenure at 5 years for men with young children to, say, the probability at 5.5 years for women with young children.
Several studies have documented that women scientists with young children spend fewer hours in the lab than their male counterparts, presumably because they bear the brunt of childcare responsibilities. Perhaps this results in fewer publications and consequently reduced competitiveness for tenure track positions. Interestingly, Anne Preston has found that "those male scientists who do childcare have similar impacts on their academic careers".
There is often an implicit assumption that an academic position is the only desirable outcome for a PhD scientist. Perhaps women with children see that academia (particularly postdoc-docm) is not a particularly hospitable place and seek greener pastures in industry. Anne Preston has found that "a major reason that women leave science is because of childcare responsibilities."
A couple of other less central but still interesting results:
On average, a single childless woman is substantially more likely to get a tenure track jobs than a single childless man. The gap is 21% in the physical sciences, 11% in the life sciences, and negligible in engineering.
Marriage increases the probability of a tenure track job for both men and women, but it helps men much more than it helps women (22% increased probability for men vs. 5% for women). On the balance, men and women who are married and childless have about the same chance of obtaining a tenure track position.
The authors posit that these differences are the result of "selection effects", i.e. the populations of unmarried men and married men are differ in ways other than just marriage. They suggest that "'good catches' in the marriage market are correlated with 'good catches' in the labor market." They don't speculate on possible reasons for the gender asymmetry; I'd guess that it's partly due to the fact that that men are more likely to have stay-at-home spouses than women.
Marginal Revolution categorizes the paper as the "politically incorrect paper of the month". My take, however, is more in line with that of Matthew Yglesias: at least part of the reason for gender differences in the sciences is that academic careers are structured in a way that makes things particularly difficult for women who have young children early in their careers. On the plus side, once women achieve tenure-track positions, they appear to be just as likely as men to be promoted to tenure and to full professor (though, as Ginther has documented in prior papers, their pay lags that of their male counterparts).
The good news is that a few institutions are starting to rethink the way they handle faculty family issues and are making improvements. I'll talk about some innovations in a future post.
View archives for July 2007.
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